By Professor Hassan Saliu
Recent developments in Ilorin Emirate are both unnerving and profoundly disturbing. Let me state from the outset that any individual who has contravened the law must be held accountable for his infractions. Nevertheless, the weaponisation of state instruments to engage in witch-hunting or political victimisation is inimical to the kind of congenial socio-political environment we seek to cultivate. True statesmen, historically, have demonstrated the capacity to subsume personal or partisan grievances for the collective good of society.
The prevailing disquiet in the emirate is traceable, fundamentally, to the manner in which politics is conducted. The failure to adhere to democratic norms and institutional propriety within our political space has become the bane of Ilorin Emirate, effectively reducing politics to an enterprise of vendetta. Meanwhile, the realities of street-level economics present a frightening outlook for most people in our community.
This background raises two critical questions: 1. Why is the level of human capital development comparatively low in the emirate after many years in control of the state? 2. Why does disunity consistently manifest whenever an indigene of Ilorin assumes the governorship of the state? One might hazard a guess as to why these conditions persist in our community. The root cause lies in the failure to develop and formulate a coherent blueprint for communal development that must be implemented by emirate governors upon assuming office. This void has created a tendency whereby each successive political leader/governor from the emirate operates under the assumption that he is conferring a favour upon the populace by administering modern governance through archaic or unprogressive frameworks, evidenced by the prioritisation of isolated, self-aggrandising projects and an absolute lack of engagement with the people, at the expense of a progressive and community-driven agenda for development.
One may refrain from enumerating the “white elephant projects” due to space constraints. They are indeed numerous and contribute minimally to substantive human development within the state. Upon assumption of office, these governors invariably construct a “castle system” — a political enclave from which they unilaterally proclaim to possess solutions to the multifaceted problems of the state. Time, however, has demonstrated that these emirate governors are engaged in a proverbial wild goose chase, exhibiting little regard for evidence-based planning or futuristic development paradigms. Consequently, our people, in return, have been pushed to the margins of survival, prioritising non-essential concerns at the expense of demanding accountability and progressive governance from their leaders. As is the case in the larger Nigerian context, the consequence has been a regime of poor government-citizen relations, indicating that the state government has been moving in one direction while the people are oriented toward another. One asserts that no sustainable development can be achieved under such conditions.
In the absence of any clearly articulated path toward sustainable development that resonates with the people, social cohesion continues to erode at a pace that severely undermines consensus-building among both the political elite and the general populace. Within this frightening context of disunity, certain elements have begun advocating for “war” against perceived, albeit imaginary, adversaries. Yet, no successful collective struggle can be prosecuted without first addressing the internal disunity, which is often exacerbated by external interests intent on economic exploitation. While every society pursues its enlightened self-interest, Ilorin appears content to remain passive, anticipating providential intervention. Such an expectation is untenable. Ilorin Emirate must resolve to consciously define and assert its interests within the Nigerian federation. As the aphorism suggests, even the Good Samaritan attends to his own household before extending charity to strangers.
Recently, several associates drew my attention to emerging trends in Kwara State and sought my perspective on these developments. Apparently aware of my national assignments, they erroneously assumed that I was not sufficiently engaged with Kwara State matters. In response, I referred them to observations I made during Kwara State’s 50th anniversary in 2017 at the Banquet Hall, in the presence of then-Governor Abdulfatah Ahmed. Similarly, in 2020, in a commentary on the land dispute between the current state administration and the Saraki family, I underscored the imperative for us to take ownership of our collective destiny in light of national developments, particularly the protracted national restructuring debate.
On the latter occasion, as I had previously advocated, I called for the constitution of a standing committee to monitor the restructuring discourse and to proffer strategic options for the emirate should the debate advance toward implementation. Predictably, this proposal was dismissed by many as a mere academic exercise. Yet, the issue has now resurfaced with ferocity, manifesting incrementally through both official and unofficial channels.
While the revival of the Offa robbery case may hold significance for certain stakeholders, it is my considered view that it does not constitute the most exigent issue at present, particularly when the very identity of our community is being negotiated and purportedly determined without our input. To state it plainly, the divisive brand of politics practiced by our emirate governors has engendered a heightened state of vulnerability for the emirate. The verdict of history is that, after more than 20 years of controlling the state, we have failed to leverage political leadership under the current republic to mitigate the existential threats confronting us as a demographic minority, both within the broader Northern region and the more circumscribed North Central geopolitical zone.
I further contend that if the Offa robbery matter constitutes a priority for those resolutely committed to pursuing it — for reasons which remain opaque to the broader public, or which may yet enrich our jurisprudence — then it is equally incumbent upon them to undertake strategic engagement with the numerous proposals concerning the restructuring of the country. Such engagement is necessary to ensure that the outcome does not ultimately undermine our existence and unique identity as a liminal community situated at the periphery of both Northern and Southern Nigeria. We must confront more substantive issues and de-escalate those of lesser importance. If we fail to do so now, while the locus of power resides with us, we shall have no one else to blame when power rotates to another part of Kwara State, whether in the next dispensation or much later. We are too vulnerable to dismiss the restructuring question or to neglect engagement with other senatorial districts in the state in anticipation of the eventuality of power rotation. There are several other steps we can take as a community, both now and in the future, to safeguard our collective interests and to mitigate the unwise deployment of political dominance in our dear state. The time to commence that process is now.
Hassan A. Saliu
Ilorin
23rd April, 2026
